Hiding in Plain Sight

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The best tactic for hiding the biggest scams.

Overview

This post came about when I realised that sometimes it’s better to communicate a concept using fiction and games rather than the often dull route of academia that few ever read. The game was obvious, but the book came from a green flash of inspiration; on further research, I found I was on the right track. This further led to why and what the authors’ ideas were promoting. Below are some explanations and further thoughts on why these ideas from 1900 are more relevant than ever.

1900; the same issues as the 2020s

Suppose an idea or concept is large enough to become a norm, accepted by society by familiarity, and eventually a cornerstone of societal norms.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, two people noticed two norms that did not seem to add up: one was a playwright and journalist, and the other was an inventor, poet, engineer, and journalist.

Both saw an issue with money in its creation and use. One used a children’s book as an analogy to the money system, the other a children’s game in which the goal was to bankrupt all your opponents.

Both became classics and remain so to this day. The analogy behind both has been lost, but the truth of their criticism remains in plain sight.

If you have yet to guess, the children’s book is The Wizard of Oz, written by Lyman Frank Baum (1856 -1919), first issued in 1900 in the US.

Original book cover

The game is a board game called The Landlords Game, invented by Elizabeth J. Magie (1866 -1948) in 1903, later to be renamed (ironically) Monopoly by James Darrow, who sold the rights to Parker Brothers, who gained the monopoly of the game in 1935 (also paying E. Magie a paltry $500 for the copyright of The Landlords Game)

An early concept

Unveiling the Truth about Rent Control and Land Values in Housing

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Further analysis of where Vicky didn’t go!

A great interview with Housing journalist and author

My comments on the interview and replies to other’s comments are in parts two and three.

I’ve been researching housing unaffordability for seven years and am about to start writing a dissertation on Rent Control (℅ Dr Anna Minton). After all these years of trying to find solutions, the elephant in the room is Rent Control. Why?

This is a disappointing and slightly dull answer, but it’s one of the keys that has unlocked many doors for working—and middle-class people who don’t want to spend 30-50% of their income on a 40-year mortgage or rent to a landlord.

Some of the main authors to thank for this conclusion are John Doling (tries to be neutral), Danny Dorling (left), Nick Bano (left), Kemp (right), and Christine Whitehead (LSE, right). It is always good to see if there is a counter-argument of value—there isn’t.
(As well as Smith, Ricardo, Marx, Keynes, Piketty, Blyth, Mazzucato, Christophers, Kelton, Richard Murry and Minton)

Her Book, Tenants

Why? An example: I’m a former bricklayer who ran a business in construction, so I know about house building pricing. My humble little flat;
In 1994, it was purchased for £47,700 with a floor area of 42m². In 1994, it cost £600 per m² to build, thus £25,200 to rebuild. Therefore, 53% build/47% land value = £47,700.

The killer point: in the 1950s, land values of new builds dropped to 3%. Based on those values and present-day build values (£2K per/m²), my flat would be on the market for £86,600, which equates to 2.4 times the full-time national average income (£35K). 2.4 times was also needed in the 1950s-60s for a single average income to buy an average 2.5-bed semi (.5 being the box room).

Managing Finite Resources: Unveiling the Truth about Money

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Why the great ‘gotcha’ question is the wrong question

Introduction

Back in 2017, I started looking at the housing issue and, in my naivety, started with ‘just build more houses’ to solve the issue of Economics 101 that is, if there is a shortage of supply, then the price will rise, reflecting that scarcity, if we build more then creating a surplus the price will fall. Concerning money needed for such investment from the centralised government of the day, I soon encountered the age-old question when it comes to spending money;

I’d reached a dead end before I’d even started! If I/we couldn’t pay for ‘it,’ whatever solutions I found would always be scuppered by this universal ‘gotcha’.

So then followed a dive into the economics of money, not what to do with it once we have it (which is a political and ideological choice) but where it comes from;

  • Is it tax revenues?
  • Is it government borrowing from banks via government-issued savings bonds?
  • Is it gold reserves?
  • Who are we actually in debt to?
  • And if we paid it all back, would we have any money?

In this blog entry, I will explain why finding ‘the money’ has never been the issue. The real issue is our natural finite resources, both from planet Earth and from us humans who inhabit it.

So, to save time, I’ve divided this into short chapters relating to page numbers. I recommend reading the whole article, rereading areas that are initially hard to comprehend, following links, and asking questions in the comment section. This article will evolve with feedback. It has taken me 7 years to understand this, so don’t worry if, at first, it all seems too hard to understand—it’s a paradigm shift.

This is a very brief overview. See recommendations in the Conclusion for further reading and viewing.

Chapter One, Page 2: What is money?

Chapter Two, Page 3: What about ‘The National Debt’?

Chapter Three, Page 4: So what’s stopping the government from creating more money

Chapter Four, Page 5: If the government can create money, why does it borrow it?

Conclusion, Page 6.

Exposed;The Big Con

Who really pays for pseudo-public space?

Over the past 40 years, there has been a slow creep of what is known as pseudo-public space. This space is not controlled or maintained by public elected bodies, even though when you walk, drive or cycle through the space, it may at first seem public; after all, you have entered without going through a gate, and there was no signage and anyway, everyone else seems oblivious to its status, so it must be like other public space, like the street outside your front door or the local high street. Turns out it’s not.

We are no longer living in post-war ownership freehold based Bedford Falls but leasehold to the rentier dystopian Pottersville.

The first example is Canary Wharf, which started this trend. The government of the day had a problem. they wanted to redevelop a declining and abandoned part of a city without spending too much public money. So, a deal was struck between private companies and the central government.

The deal was based on the US idea of the Urban Development Corporation (UDC), which became the London Docklands Development Corporation (LDDC), so the project had no local government or the then Greater London Council (GLC) involvement; they were completely sidestepped. The basis of the idea was that the land would be sold and held in perpetuity as private land, but with public access, all well and good, but the devil, as always, is in the detail; this access was granted as long as the new owners had the right to create their own rules concerning who, when and where access was granted. Again, on the face of it, this seems fair.

Still, it turned out to be pernicious, as decisions were made by the private owners as to the ‘type of person’ who would be welcome, and here is the second and even more powerful rule of self-interest, as the new owners (freehold owners) needed to justify the high rents, which are a combination of ;

1)Ground rent: The property owner (the flat/business premises) does not own the land it was built upon; thus, they are a leaseholder, not a freeholder, and must pay ground rent to the freeholder owner.

2)The service charge covers building maintenance, the concierge, and all other external services, such as the upkeep of the parks and gardens, rubbish clearance, CCTV, and security guards.

Why security guards? This service is needed to justify the high rents/service charges by providing a ‘safe environment’, a conjuncture for getting the right people with money to spend and keeping out those who can not. They are often dressed like the police to make their presence known, which is fine if you fit the correct demographic; if not, you will be hassled by seemingly innocent questions and reminded that you are in a private space, further blurring the lines between private pseudo-public space and actual democratic public space.

Canary Wharf 2020s

The Silent Middle Class

Why the silence in 2023?

Introduction

This post starts with summer background research on the middle class, which helps evaluate the primary content with this newfound knowledge. Then, an obscure, seemingly unrelated programme from Radio 4 that, when deconstructed, goes to the heart of the present denialism by the middle class concerning housing.
The post finishes with broad conclusions leading to further research for workable solutions or just waiting for another bloody war/revolution circa 1914-1945.

Summer reading and prelim for context

Summer reading consisted of subjects as diverse as the History of the Welfare State from 1800 to the Present, Comparative Housing Policy Across Europe and North America, and various criticisms of the supposed ‘Science’ of Economics by various heavyweights in the same field and some books on Agency and Meritocracy, just to add to the mix!

The original dystopian novel that shows the end game of meritocracy, written by the brilliant sociologist Michael Young in 1958, alas this book is sadly out of print.

What has been interesting is the various author’s interpretations of the same historical facts from different political ideologies and philosophical approaches, along with some quoting academics and the great philosophers who were locked within their lived experiences whilst other writers took a broader look from afar with present hindsight and intellectual norms to judge past reactions to circumstance and the cumulative effects of past decisions. Both are valid, though the former can seem more ideological and the latter more self-critical.

I also attended a series of lectures on the British Class System at Cambridge University, with more international post-doctoral students than you could throw a stick at; all shared their thoughts with grace and humility. Their input resulted in some fascinating insights and perceptions of the class system that I wasn’t aware of.
The weekend of lectures and discussion concluded that class is way more fluid and depends a lot on the definitions and parameters used within the time/place as a framework to make judgments. The perception of the British to class is much more nuanced than the US structure of the wealth-based class system, as proven by the comments from the US contingent in the lectures.

View from Madingly Hall, Cambridge.

Piketty; Stirring up the Hornets Nest

Looking at the conjuncture of his research and why it caused such a reaction

Even French economists have an air of the “Nouvelle Vague”

This piece is in response to questions concerning Thomas Pikettys book ‘Capital of the 21st Century’. I’ve read and studied this and his equally thorough book ‘Capital and Ideology’. I don’t pretend to be the last word on Piketty’s writings, and the man can more than defend himself, but what follows are some crucial points to his overall argument. 

Note; when I say conjuncture, it’s in the context of Stuart Hall’s “conjunctural analysis.” Briefly, the subtext of an issue, so for example, ‘benefit scroungers’ as political discourse, as a conjuncture, means we need an excuse for reducing payments for the unemployed so we (the government of the day ) can reduce deficits and grant tax reductions for the demographic of future voters of whom this would appeal. (Hall 2021) (Jefferson 2021)

Anonymous comments concerning Piketty’s Books from the political and economic academic Marianna Mazzucato’s video on her book; The Value of Everything

1- He does not consider the most critical facts, and it lacks historical evidence and contradicts reality.  Its claims appeal to ignorant people with little idea of economic history and financial concepts.  I am not surprised that the presenter relies on such a reference because most of what she says she can’t justify with evidence

2- He claims wealth is passed down from ancestors. He ignores the historical fact that most wealthy people have not gotten wealthy through inheritance. He claims growing inequality is a function of capitalism but ignores all other systems.

 3- Picketty examined the circumstances of wealth in the 19th and 20th centuries and concluded that the 1% owned more wealth than previously. He confuses statistics with individuals, like many people who don’t understand statistics.

Video in question.

Ref; The Housing Crisis is Even Worse Than You Think | Aaron Bastani meets Vicky Spratt | Downstream

At present I’m working on a paper that will be finished by the 26th of April, once completed I will write a timeline for the Video filling in the areas that some may want more information on. As well as the Buy-To-Let Quetion that was left unanswered.

Post 26th I’ll have more info as the area I’m working on is the periods of; 1930-42, 1945-70, followed by 1979 to the present concerning universalist approach to housing/welfare until 1979 then the selectivist approach to housing/welfare.

Keynes; The role of Government is to create a society where all can have the opportunity to have a ‘good life’ and not just the few.

What actually is the point of the Private Rental Sector (PRS)?

The Housing Act of 1988 deregulated new lettings to encourage the PRS to return, 44 years later the potential for 1910 rent strikes of pre The Rent Control Act of 1914 look like they may return.

Sitting in the library, grinding my way through various papers and journals on Rent Control (RC), I started to read a report from the much admired Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF) published in 1992 with various academic, housing pressure groups, practitioners and financiers together with advisors to politicians from different parties all contributing to the discussion. So far so good, but…..

The book in question amongst my usual chaos

Two issues of cognitive bias became increasingly apparent, both of which we all suffer from as emotional beings, so I’m not specifically criticising the authors of the report, but taking the more cautious route of an anthropologists like, the sadly departed David Graeber and also the political economist Thomas Piketty. Graeber in his book (and the secret is in the title) Debt; The First 5000 years and Piketty to a lesser extent focussed on the past 200 years in his highly acclaimed and fascinating book Capital of the 21st Century.

Recency bias is a cognitive bias that favors recent events over historic ones

The first bias was the effect of just looking to the lived and experienced recent past (recency bias) and making a judgment that a correlation of rent controls of the recent past have meant that the PRS has reduced due to not enough yield being available from old RC properties, that is a fair judgment, but does that mean that to get more rented properties available for the small sector (at the time of the report) of transient renters, namely young people on their way to purchase and temporary work force ( in fact a red herring) moving around the country, you just simply reverse the model?

So with that logic, if rent control causes PRS shortages then abandon rent control and supplement the PRS and a ‘fair’ rental market will return with the benefit of landlords now also getting a ‘fair return’.

What could possibly go wrong’?

The issue with this decision is that now in 2022 we are seeing the true consequences of this reversal, rather than market rates settling to a ‘fair rent’ level they are driving people into cohabitation and single room conversions with shared bathrooms as incomes have stagnated (not so much trickle down, but rather, trickle up), but rents increase as scarcity within the ‘free market’ predicts.

Whereas if they had taken the time and effort to look back to pre 1914 Rent Act they would’ve seen the issues of free market rents gradually consuming and therefore monopolising a sector that even Winston Churchill in 1909 fumed and rallied against to the greed and slothfulness of the rentier class.

Churchill in his mid thirties around 1909

Rent Control Paradox No 1

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An outline of a strategy to address the commodified housing market. The idea originated from a thought experiment in 2018.

One of the first paradoxical issues surrounding Rent Control (RC) is the difficulty of implementing it, particularly because it would negatively impact the wealthy establishment the most. This often leads to a refusal to even consider the proposal.

This post is a response to a question I didn’t have time to address at the end of a presentation. I discussed the fundamental aspects of the current housing model and explained why unregulated private purchases and rents have become entirely market-driven due to the finalization of the mortgage debt market and the commodification of the living spaces we call home.

The question is an obvious first hurdle to even thinking about an introduction of private RC,

Slightly paraphrased question from my classmate Mark;


“How are you going to get an acceptance from small private landlords let alone institutions”?

My response stems from ideas I’ve been developing for a few years, inspired by a theoretical Beveridge 2.0 report. This includes addressing the “five giants” of a 21st-century neoliberal society in the UK.
It’s very broad, but the main point is how you convince people that the stick of RC will benefit the nervous middle (50-90 percentile) and suspicious asset wealth (top 10%).

Addressing bias

According to behavioural economist Daniel Kahneman, we tend to exhibit a stronger bias toward loss—known as “loss aversion”—than toward gain. This bias significantly influences our decision-making. Initially, it may seem beneficial to be overly cautious, as common sense suggests that careful consideration of financial decisions is wise. However, this tendency can lead to poor judgment in certain situations, as illustrated by gamblers who obsessively chase after their initial losses while ignoring the more rational option of accepting a loss and walking away (Kahneman, 2011). In contrast, an AI algorithm would evaluate the odds and would likely accept the initial loss if it determined that doing so was the best course of action for maximizing long-term gains. Humans, on the other hand, often struggle with this due to the emotional weight of the initial loss, often reacting with the fast thinking, emotion-led reactionary part of our decision-making dual apparatus ( the other being the slow rational side).

So, with this in mind, to counter the loss, we need a greater gain. Thus, in this report, I figured four carrots to the one stick. This is so important to creating societal jewels (i.e., the NHS) that can be justified to the majority over the small minority of self-seeking short-termists ( and we will see in the paper that all benefit long-term, again, the NHS).

Though it should be stated that any welfare fiscal spending cannot show a direct profit by its very nature, it’s once, twice, thrice removed. The measurement of GDP growth is only seen as a fiscal measurement of ‘production’ ( highlighted as the definition of production has been constantly manipulated; for example, only recently has rentier landlordism been included as a product, even though its extraction, nothing is actually created). The separation of generations cared for, educated from birth to grave, kept healthy, has food, shelter, warmth and no fear of retirement to concentrate on producing measurable wealth during the hours of productive employment.

Not all can be commodified for direct profit, but what can be produced unhindered by welfare concerns will be measurably more efficient in final output. A sick hungry workforce is absent in mind and body.



Gone to the dogs?

(Note many thanks for the images from Mick Lemmerman’s blog; The Isle of dogs – past life, past lives)

Two examples of people movement on the Isle of Dogs;
Sideways and Vertical.

When putting together a presentation concerning a brief history of the Isle of Dogs in the Eastend of London, I stumbled on a 2nd less well known influx during the 1960’s, also promoted by a centralised organisation, but far more inclusive than the later corporate organisation foisted upon the community in 1981, namely The London Docklands Development Corporation (LDDC).


The former was the London County Council (LCC) (later to become the GLC) which derived from the post war housing consensus and in particular the 1947 housing act.

So as with all things, looking a little more deeply into the policy of a pre LDDC government select committee, comments within the paper questioning the new law to be presented to parliament. As with many acts of parliament is has to go through various cross parliamentary committees to scrutinise a controversial bill. This bill was no exception born out a new ideology of Free Market Neoliberal Capitalism as promoted by the Thatcher Government of 1979, from the theories of Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman (and the rest of what was known as the ‘Austrian School’).


This was the first real opportunity to enact the low regulation ring fenced policy centrally governed via unelected quangos on a large scale”.


To say this was a 180 degree shift from the previous economic and social ideology would be no exaggeration. This is born out in the two shifts in the islands population, the first in the 1960’s which I will call a horizontal shift of people, so not strictly Gentrification in the Ruth Glass terminology of the 1960’s and the present day, and a 2nd more seemingly effective solution in the context of monetary value to the area, but not necessarily for the original local population.

Both influxes have problems.

Early 1980’s